5 Sources
[1]
US-China Tech War Seen Heating up Regardless of Whether Trump or Harris Wins
(Reuters) - The U.S.-China tech war is all but certain to heat up no matter whether Republican Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris wins the Nov. 5 U.S. presidential election, with the Democrat likely to come out with targeted new rules and Trump a blunter approach. New efforts to slow the flow of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars and other imports into the U.S. are expected, alongside more curbs on chipmaking tools and highly-prized AI chips headed to China, according to former officials from the Biden and Trump administrations, industry experts and people close to the campaigns. In her bid for the U.S. presidency, Democrat Harris has said she will make sure "America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century," while Republican candidate Trump has pitched ever-increasing tariffs as a cure-all that includes combating Chinese technological advancement. In short, the battle to keep U.S. money and technology from boosting China's military and artificial intelligence capabilities is bound to escalate under either Harris or Trump. "We're seeing the opening of a new front on the U.S. China tech cold war that is focused on data, software and connected devices," said Peter Harrell, a former national security official in the Biden administration. Last month, the U.S. proposed rules to keep connected cars made with Chinese components off America's streets, while a law was passed this spring that said the short video app TikTok must be sold by its Chinese parent by next year or be banned. "There's a lot of concern if a Chinese company is able to access and provide updates to devices," Harrell said. "The connected car thing and TikTok are just the tip of the iceberg." Should Harris win the election, her approach would likely be more targeted and coordinated than Trump's, people close to both administrations say. For example, she is likely to continue working with allies much like the Biden administration has, to keep U.S. tech from aiding the Chinese military, Harrell said. A Trump administration, on the other hand, may move more quickly, and be more willing to punish recalcitrant allies. "I think we learned from President Trump's first term that he has a bias for action," said Jamieson Greer, former chief of staff to Robert Lighthizer, the U.S. trade representative under Trump who remains close to the campaign. Nazak Nikakhtar, a Commerce Department official under Trump who knows his current advisors, expects a Trump administration to be "much more aggressive about export control policies towards China." She anticipates "a significant expansion of the entity list," to capture affiliates and business partners of listed companies. The list restricts exports to those on it. Trump added China's Huawei Technologies to the list for sanctions busting. Licenses to ship U.S. technology to China also are more likely to be denied, Nikakhtar said. She said she would not be surprised if a Trump administration imposed restrictions not only on imports of Chinese chips but on "certain products containing those chips." And she expects Trump to be tougher than Harris on allies who don't follow the U.S. lead. "The Trump philosophy is more of a stick," she said. Bill Reinsch, a former Commerce official during the Clinton administration sees Trump as likely to take a "sledgehammer" to controls where Harris would use a "scalpel." "Trump's approach has been across-the-board, most clearly seen in his current tariff proposals," Reinsch said. Trump has said he would impose tariffs of 10 or 20 percent on all imports (not just Chinese) and 60 percent or more on Chinese imports. Harris has described Trump's tariff plan as a tax on consumers, but the Biden administration has seen the need for targeted tariffs including increasing the rate on semiconductors from 25 percent to 50 percent by 2025. China has repeatedly said it would safeguard its rights and interests. Last year, it targeted U.S. memory chip maker Micron Technology after Washington imposed a series of export controls on U.S. chips and chipmaking equipment, and the U.S. accused Beijing of penalizing other US companies amid growing tensions. Wilbur Ross, commerce secretary under Trump, said that the U.S. needs to be tough on China, but strategic, too. "It would be very dangerous to just try to cut them off." (Reporting by Karen Freifeld; Editing by Alistair Bell)
[2]
US-China tech war seen heating up regardless of whether Trump or Harris wins
The U.S.-China tech conflict will escalate regardless of whether Trump or Harris wins the U.S. presidential election. Harris is expected to implement targeted rules, while Trump may take a more aggressive approach. New measures to restrict Chinese tech, including chips and smart cars, are anticipated. Both candidates aim to prevent U.S. technology from boosting China's military and AI capabilities.The U.S.-China tech war is all but certain to heat up no matter whether Republican Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris wins the Nov. 5 U.S. presidential election, with the Democrat likely to come out with targeted new rules and Trump a blunter approach. New efforts to slow the flow of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars and other imports into the U.S. are expected, alongside more curbs on chipmaking tools and highly-prized AI chips headed to China, according to former officials from the Biden and Trump administrations, industry experts and people close to the campaigns. In her bid for the U.S. presidency, Democrat Harris has said she will make sure "America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century," while Republican candidate Trump has pitched ever-increasing tariffs as a cure-all that includes combating Chinese technological advancement. In short, the battle to keep U.S. money and technology from boosting China's military and artificial intelligence capabilities is bound to escalate under either Harris or Trump. "We're seeing the opening of a new front on the U.S. China tech cold war that is focused on data, software and connected devices," said Peter Harrell, a former national security official in the Biden administration. Last month, the U.S. proposed rules to keep connected cars made with Chinese components off America's streets, while a law was passed this spring that said the short video app TikTok must be sold by its Chinese parent by next year or be banned. "There's a lot of concern if a Chinese company is able to access and provide updates to devices," Harrell said. "The connected car thing and TikTok are just the tip of the iceberg." Should Harris win the election, her approach would likely be more targeted and coordinated than Trump's, people close to both administrations say. For example, she is likely to continue working with allies much like the Biden administration has, to keep U.S. tech from aiding the Chinese military, Harrell said. A Trump administration, on the other hand, may move more quickly, and be more willing to punish recalcitrant allies. "I think we learned from President Trump's first term that he has a bias for action," said Jamieson Greer, former chief of staff to Robert Lighthizer, the U.S. trade representative under Trump who remains close to the campaign. Nazak Nikakhtar, a Commerce Department official under Trump who knows his current advisors, expects a Trump administration to be "much more aggressive about export control policies towards China." She anticipates "a significant expansion of the entity list," to capture affiliates and business partners of listed companies. The list restricts exports to those on it. Trump added China's Huawei Technologies to the list for sanctions busting. Licenses to ship U.S. technology to China also are more likely to be denied, Nikakhtar said. She said she would not be surprised if a Trump administration imposed restrictions not only on imports of Chinese chips but on "certain products containing those chips." And she expects Trump to be tougher than Harris on allies who don't follow the U.S. lead. "The Trump philosophy is more of a stick," she said. Bill Reinsch, a former Commerce official during the Clinton administration sees Trump as likely to take a "sledgehammer" to controls where Harris would use a "scalpel." "Trump's approach has been across-the-board, most clearly seen in his current tariff proposals," Reinsch said. Trump has said he would impose tariffs of 10 or 20 percent on all imports (not just Chinese) and 60 percent or more on Chinese imports. Harris has described Trump's tariff plan as a tax on consumers, but the Biden administration has seen the need for targeted tariffs including increasing the rate on semiconductors from 25 percent to 50 percent by 2025. China has repeatedly said it would safeguard its rights and interests. Last year, it targeted U.S. memory chip maker Micron Technology after Washington imposed a series of export controls on U.S. chips and chipmaking equipment, and the U.S. accused Beijing of penalizing other US companies amid growing tensions. Wilbur Ross, commerce secretary under Trump, said that the U.S. needs to be tough on China, but strategic, too. "It would be very dangerous to just try to cut them off." (Reporting by Karen Freifeld Editing by Alistair Bell)
[3]
US-China tech war seen heating up regardless of whether Trump or Harris wins
Oct 23 (Reuters) - The U.S.-China tech war is all but certain to heat up no matter whether Republican Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris wins the Nov. 5 U.S. presidential election, with the Democrat likely to come out with targeted new rules and Trump a blunter approach. New efforts to slow the flow of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars and other imports into the U.S. are expected, alongside more curbs on chipmaking tools and highly-prized AI chips headed to China, according to former officials from the Biden and Trump administrations, industry experts and people close to the campaigns. Advertisement · Scroll to continue In her bid for the U.S. presidency, Democrat Harris has said she will make sure "America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century," while Republican candidate Trump has pitched ever-increasing tariffs as a cure-all that includes combating Chinese technological advancement. In short, the battle to keep U.S. money and technology from boosting China's military and artificial intelligence capabilities is bound to escalate under either Harris or Trump. Advertisement · Scroll to continue "We're seeing the opening of a new front on the U.S. China tech cold war that is focused on data, software and connected devices," said Peter Harrell, a former national security official in the Biden administration. Last month, the U.S. proposed rules to keep connected cars made with Chinese components off America's streets, while a law was passed this spring that said the short video app TikTok must be sold by its Chinese parent by next year or be banned. "There's a lot of concern if a Chinese company is able to access and provide updates to devices," Harrell said. "The connected car thing and TikTok are just the tip of the iceberg." Should Harris win the election, her approach would likely be more targeted and coordinated than Trump's, people close to both administrations say. For example, she is likely to continue working with allies much like the Biden administration has, to keep U.S. tech from aiding the Chinese military, Harrell said. A Trump administration, on the other hand, may move more quickly, and be more willing to punish recalcitrant allies. "I think we learned from President Trump's first term that he has a bias for action," said Jamieson Greer, former chief of staff to Robert Lighthizer, the U.S. trade representative under Trump who remains close to the campaign. Nazak Nikakhtar, a Commerce Department official under Trump who knows his current advisors, expects a Trump administration to be "much more aggressive about export control policies towards China." She anticipates "a significant expansion of the entity list," to capture affiliates and business partners of listed companies. The list restricts exports to those on it. Trump added China's Huawei Technologies to the list for sanctions busting. Licenses to ship U.S. technology to China also are more likely to be denied, Nikakhtar said. She said she would not be surprised if a Trump administration imposed restrictions not only on imports of Chinese chips but on "certain products containing those chips." And she expects Trump to be tougher than Harris on allies who don't follow the U.S. lead. "The Trump philosophy is more of a stick," she said. Bill Reinsch, a former Commerce official during the Clinton administration sees Trump as likely to take a "sledgehammer" to controls where Harris would use a "scalpel." "Trump's approach has been across-the-board, most clearly seen in his current tariff proposals," Reinsch said. Trump has said he would impose tariffs of 10 or 20 percent on all imports (not just Chinese) and 60 percent or more on Chinese imports. Harris has described Trump's tariff plan as a tax on consumers, but the Biden administration has seen the need for targeted tariffs including increasing the rate on semiconductors from 25 percent to 50 percent by 2025. China has repeatedly said it would safeguard its rights and interests. Last year, it targeted U.S. memory chip maker Micron Technology after Washington imposed a series of export controls on U.S. chips and chipmaking equipment, and the U.S. accused Beijing of penalizing other US companies amid growing tensions. Wilbur Ross, commerce secretary under Trump, said that the U.S. needs to be tough on China, but strategic, too. "It would be very dangerous to just try to cut them off." Reporting by Karen Freifeld Editing by Alistair Bell Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles., opens new tab
[4]
Regardless of Election Result, U.S.-China Tech War Getting Hotter
The U.S.-China tech war is all but certain to heat up no matter whether Republican Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris wins the Nov. 5 U.S. presidential election, with the Democrat likely to come out with targeted new rules and Trump a blunter approach. New efforts to slow the flow of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars and other imports into the U.S. are expected, alongside more curbs on chipmaking tools and highly-prized AI chips headed to China, according to former officials from the Biden and Trump administrations, industry experts and people close to the campaigns. In her bid for the U.S. presidency, Democrat Harris has said she will make sure "America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century," while Republican candidate Trump has pitched ever-increasing tariffs as a cure-all that includes combating Chinese technological advancement. In short, the battle to keep U.S. money and technology from boosting China's military and artificial intelligence capabilities is bound to escalate under either Harris or Trump.
[5]
How would a Trump or Harris win impact the U.S.-China tech war?
New efforts to slow the flow of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars and other imports into the U.S. are expected, alongside more curbs on chipmaking tools and highly-prized AI chips headed to China, according to former officials from the Biden and Trump administrations, industry experts and people close to the campaigns. In her bid for the U.S. presidency, Democrat Harris has said she will make sure "America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century," while Republican candidate Trump has pitched ever-increasing tariffs as a cure-all that includes combating Chinese technological advancement. In short, the battle to keep U.S. money and technology from boosting China's military and artificial intelligence capabilities is bound to escalate under either Harris or Trump.
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The U.S.-China tech conflict is expected to escalate after the 2024 presidential election, with both candidates likely to implement stricter measures to curb Chinese technological advancements and protect U.S. interests in the AI and semiconductor industries.
The U.S.-China tech war is poised to intensify regardless of the outcome of the November 5, 2024 U.S. presidential election. Both Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump, the leading candidates, are expected to implement stricter measures to curb Chinese technological advancements and protect U.S. interests in critical sectors such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors 12.
While both candidates aim to maintain America's technological edge, their strategies differ significantly:
Kamala Harris: Expected to implement more targeted and coordinated rules, likely continuing the Biden administration's approach of working with allies to prevent U.S. technology from aiding China's military capabilities 13.
Donald Trump: Anticipated to take a more aggressive and unilateral approach, potentially using a "sledgehammer" rather than a "scalpel" in implementing controls 14.
Import Restrictions: New efforts to slow the influx of less-sophisticated Chinese chips, smart cars, and other imports into the U.S. 12.
Export Controls: Further curbs on chipmaking tools and high-end AI chips destined for China 13.
Connected Devices: Increased scrutiny on Chinese-made connected devices, including proposed rules to keep connected cars with Chinese components off U.S. streets 15.
Entity List Expansion: A Trump administration might significantly expand the Entity List to include affiliates and business partners of listed companies 3.
Tariffs: Trump has proposed imposing tariffs of 10-20% on all imports and 60% or more on Chinese imports, while Harris criticizes this as a tax on consumers 14.
The Biden administration has already increased tariffs on semiconductors from 25% to 50%, set to take effect by 2025 1.
China has vowed to safeguard its rights and interests, previously targeting U.S. companies like Micron Technology in response to U.S. export controls 13.
Experts warn against completely cutting off China, with former Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross emphasizing the need for a strategic approach 15.
The intensifying tech war between the U.S. and China is likely to have far-reaching consequences for global supply chains, international trade relations, and the pace of technological innovation. As both nations vie for supremacy in critical technologies like AI and semiconductors, other countries may be forced to choose sides or navigate carefully between the two competing powers 24.
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